Source: The Manifesto Group
This Manifesto is the product of three years of reflection and debate, culminating in intense activity throughout 2017. The leading author of the Manifesto has been Prof. Ali Allawi working in close consultation and collaboration with his co-authors, Dr. Abbas Kadhim and Dr. Luay Al-Khatteeb. This team was engaged in extensive debate of its various sections and conducted comprehensive series of meetings, workshops, and consultation efforts with various Iraqi groups and individuals inside and outside Iraq. These included statesmen and diplomats, politicians and senior civil servants, lawmakers and specialists, academics and intellectuals, teachers and students, businessmen & businesswomen and bankers, writers and thinkers, clerics and social leaders, farmers and workers, activists and union members, officers and judges –people who come from all walks of life and share a burning desire to see our country set on the right path to peace, security, prosperity and justice. They reject the politics of division, and the branding of any of our communities as enemies. All of those involved in the debate agreed on the importance of introducing a comprehensive platform for reform and change in Iraq and the urgency of doing so immediately.
We gratefully acknowledge the observations, comments and insights of all those who gave of their time and energy to the formulation of the Manifesto through its many drafts. We extend our hand to all those who want to turn decisively the page towards a new future. We do not ignore the pain and sufferings of the past, but we will not dwell on it. We have to move on. Our eyes are firmly fixed towards the future. We must transcend the bitterness of the past in a shared plan of action that is optimistic, ambitious and realizable.
The Manifesto is the blue print for this plan.
Friday 22nd December 2017
Download the full text (PDF documents, in English or Arabic) of The Manifesto – A Plan For National Regeneraton
Nearly fifteen years after the invasion and occupation of Iraq, the country is now facing its most crucial test of survival. Daesh has been defeated thanks to the bravery and heroism of all the forces fighting under Iraq’s flag, the resistance of the communities and tribes to Daesh’s savagery , and the acts of courage and defiance of ordinary individuals and families. It has been a costly victory, leaving in its wake tens of thousands killed and wounded, millions displaced and living in atrocious conditions, and immense devastation to towns and cities. This horrific and tragic episode in our history was greatly enabled by the appalling mismanagement and corruption that has been endemic to Iraq since 2003. However, its origins go further, back to the dictatorships and tyrannies that marked the decades before. Iraq has been continuously in a state of crisis for over 50 years. We have been racked with coups, wars, insurrections, sanctions and isolation, invasion and occupation, suicide bombings, mass killings, population displacements and expulsions. All forms of violence have been inflicted relentlessly on the public. No community has emerged unharmed or unscathed from this legacy. Our people have been battered; our lands ravaged; our cities and towns ruined; our economy shattered; our rivers drained; our waters polluted; our natural resources squandered; our historical monuments destroyed; our religious sites desecrated. Generations of our young are condemned to unemployment, poor job prospects, or dead-end positions in over-staffed government departments. Our governments have become a byword for dysfunction, incompetence, lying and corruption, presided over by unqualified and unaccountable people. Billions are spent on projects that don’t materialise, are shoddily executed or abandoned unfinished; social welfare programs designed to help the poor are systematically looted; weapon purchases are mired in huge bribes and kickbacks; government-supplied services, whether it is for electricity , education, health, water and sewerage, or waste disposal are abysmal. Iraqis are very poorly housed. There is a critical shortage of basic dwellings for our people. Illegal and dangerously built slum housings proliferate everywhere. Our natural environment is blighted; desertification is spreading remorselessly.
Political chaos and fragmentation reign supreme. Thuggery, unremitting greed, violence, deviousness and betrayals are the hallmarks of our politics. It has been reduced to an ignoble profession, held in contempt by our people. The airwaves and social media are full of lies and character assassinations. Political parties are vehicles for the vainglory of individuals and families. Others easily betray their founding principles for the sake of power and enrichment. All parties are patronage-dispensing machines that have flooded the state with armies of ill- equipped people. The opposition to the post 2003 disorder masks itself with the rhetoric of resistance but is in reality violent, irredentist and murderous, unwilling to consider its own part in the downfall of the country. The interference in the country’s affairs by outsiders is brazen. But much worse is the open and despicable kowtowing to foreign powers by our political leaders. The capitals of the nearby states are gathering grounds for those who rule, have ruled or seek to rule, our country. And far away, superpowers and regional powers all conspire or aspire to put their mark of ownership on Iraq. Our future is debated in faraway international forums; our economy is a prisoner to international creditors and financiers.
Our professional and intellectual elites are targetted by assassins and hounded into exile. Our cultural life is barren. Many of our creative and talented artists, writers and thinkers are in self- imposed exile or have withdrawn in disgust and despair. Others, unforgivably, have added to the poisonous hatreds that have nearly destroyed our ability to co-exist as a harmonious entity. Such so-called intellectuals have worked assiduously to destroy mutual understanding amongst our people. Even while claiming to right the wrongs, they have disfigured, reduced, and degraded the very ideals whose representatives they were. They have turned harrowing narratives of oppression and discrimination into instruments of the egotistical interests of a political or social group. These tragic episodes of our common history have been disfigured and debased by unscrupulous people and manipulated in their pursuit of power and gain.
Our diversity has been undermined. The pre-2003 order withheld rightful citizenships from
hundreds of thousands of people, expelled entire communities on spurious grounds, and drove millions into exile. Multitudes were killed indiscriminately and mass graves were filled with the bodies of tens of thousands of the innocent. The post-2003 order has continued to preside over communitarian hatreds and marginalisation of entire groups of people. Vile practices which were committed directly by the state are now committed by non-state actors, terrorists, ordinary criminal gangs and out-of-control militias. There are still unacceptable numbers of our people who have been driven abroad or are seeking to leave the country. Minorities, the young, as well as the multitudes that see the state as institutionally biased against them, do not see a future for themselves in the country. The millions of Iraqis in the diaspora, a vital resource for the reconstruction of the country, are ignored. They watch this unfolding drama with anxiety and trepidation. The very identity of the country is slipping away.
Traditional religious authorities have heroically stood up against the enveloping chaos and violence. They have called for moderation, temperance, unity and common sense. But their voices have been often drowned by different agendas that demonise the other, that turn a sense of victimhood into a license to dispossess and murder. The moral teachings of religion have been twisted into their parody. The consequences have been dire. Religious justifications are given for nihilism, extreme violence and cruelty, self-segregation and abominable practices. This will only pave the way to irreligion and the loss of our ethical moorings.
From the authors of The Manifesto
Oil prices surged to 2-1/2-year highs and U.S. crude touched $60 a barrel in light trading volume on Tuesday, boosted by news of an explosion on a Libyan crude pipeline as well as voluntary OPEC-led supply cuts. Iraq’s oil minister said on Monday there would be a balance between supply and demand by the first quarter, leading to a boost in prices. Global oil inventories have decreased to an acceptable level, he added.read more
Iraqi Oil Minister Jabar al-Luaibi said on Monday (December 25, 2017) he was optimistic there would be a balance between supply and demand by the first quarter of 2018, leading to a boost in oil prices. The new contact will allow Zhenhua to receive a $3.5 fee for each barrel of crude produced from the oilfield, Ameedi said, and will serve as a model for all upcoming contracts with international companies. Jalal also said his company has plans to upgrade production from the Neft Khana oilfield near the Iranian border to 8,000 barrels per day from the current 2,000.read more
Iraqi Vice President Nouri al-Maliki told Rudaw during an interview in Baghdad on Thursday that the federal government has to help the Kurdistan Region to solve the problems it is facing including the ongoing financial crisis before “it is too late.” He called the events in Khurmatu since October 16 “ethnic cleansing” and one that they are following with great concern. Maliki served as Prime Minister of Iraq for two terms from 2006-2014. Under his tenure the central government cut the Kurdish share of budget in early-2014 over the KRG’s plans to export oil independent of Baghdad. He deployed the Iraqi security forces to the borders of the Kurdistan Region at least twice when he was the PM, and became the first senior Iraqi politician to threaten Kurdistan with the use of force against the Iraqi-opposed Kurdish vote on independence. In a wide-ranging interview, he told Rudaw presenter Ranj Sangawi that he wants both Iraq and the Kurdistan Region to get over what happened in the past, including the disagreement over the Kurdish vote.read more
Analysts have blamed Egypt’s autocracy for a recent attack that killed hundreds. But that’s not what’s motivating the violence. A few weeks ago, terrorists laid siege to a mosque in the small town of Bir al-Abd that lies just off the east-west road spanning the northern Sinai Peninsula. They killed 305 people and wounded many others. The photos from the scene were macabre—the stuff of Baghdad or Karachi, not Egypt. Until the attack on the al-Rawdah Mosque on November 24, the deadliest terror incident in Egypt occurred in 1997, when a group called al-Gamaa al-Islamiyya killed 57 people—most of them Japanese and British tourists—at the Temple of Hatshepsut near Luxor. The recent bloodletting in the Sinai is believed to be the work of Wilayat Sina, the Sinai branch of the self-styled Islamic State, though no one has claimed responsibility.read more
Capital failure. Blame poor leaders, distracted neighbours and a stalled peace process. Even by the standards of the peace process, this may be a new low. President Donald Trump’s advisers have spent the past year shuttling between Israelis and Palestinians. The administration is close to unveiling a peace plan, but its work has already lapsed into what the White House calls a “cooling-off period”. When Mike Pence, America’s vice-president, visits the Middle East in January, he is unlikely to be received by a Palestinian leader. The latest round of talks may be over before it begins.read more